The repression of the uprisings of bourgeois emancipation



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The repression of the uprisings of bourgeois emancipation


11.3.2019 
By Mesloub Khider. On: http://www.les7duquebec.com/7-au-front/la-repression-des-soulevements-demancipation-bourgeoise/

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At the end of the Second World War, the French population was bloodless. What do we say about the "indigenous" populations of the French colonies? In all these colonized countries, notably Algeria and 

Madagascar, the populations were overwhelmed with misery and starving. But the roar of revolt was already disturbing the social atmosphere. The anticolonial bourgeois insurrection, ambushed behind the din of echoes of the French rout, accentuated later by the collapse of the Vichy regime, was brewing its weapons. The hour of the bourgeois anticolonialist armed struggle sounded the alarm of the awakening of subversive and liberating political consciences. 

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After the long sleep of enslavement, marked by a nightmarish colonial life, the insurrectional uprising resolved to get out of its peaceful bed to take the tumultuous path of military bourgeois nationalist independence. 

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Against the pusillanimity of the indigenous organizations working for the independence by legal and peaceful way, independence conceived within the framework of the French Union and the maintenance of the economic interests of France, new bourgeois political revolutionary formations were given for maximalist program the armed uprising against colonial French power. The baptism of fire was unleashed in Algeria on May 8, 1945. 

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On this day of the "liberation" of France from German imperialism and its subjection to American imperialism, while the French people celebrated with joy its adhesion to its new masters, the Algerians have seen fit to invite themselves to the festivities of the national liberations to also claim their capitalist "independence", the restoration of their bourgeois national sovereignty. But, in the eyes of colonialist France restored under the US empire, the bourgeois independence of Algeria was not included in its menu of restoration of liberties to the Western bourgeoisies. The Algerian bourgeoisie can not pretend to taste the delights of the national management of transnational capital, reserved according to the ancestral colonialist conception to the only French and Western capitalists. The nascent Algerian bourgeoisie still had to eat the rabid cow. To undergo the colonial yoke, to feed profits and dividends the hungry French capital at the end of five years of metropolitan scarcity. The Algerian had to continue to work for the black foot, guardian of the Paris metropolitan capital restored. The Algerian peasant or proletarian had to continue living in poverty under the code of the native and the Algerian bourgeois content themselves with serving as a transmission belt for the native wage earner.

 

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Yet, without having received an invitation, the Algerian bourgeoisie entered the scene of the new history that began on May 8, 1945, the day of the Liberation of colonial-colonized France by German imperialism. The Algerian populace seized the street to demand also its liberation from French colonialism and national independence for its vernacular bourgeoisie. In the jubilant, in several cities of Algeria, popular demonstrations gave the "start" for claims of bourgeois national independence to the other colonized African populations. But colonial France did not intend to let the Algerian people occupy the street, claim "its" bourgeois national liberation and sow the seed of rebellion to the other subjugated African bourgeoisies. As usual, colonial France repressed these populist demonstrations in the blood. Balance :45,000 deaths in a few days. 

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In Madagascar, starting from 1946, violent demonstrations took place in different cities of the island against the colonial arbitrariness which weighed on the shoulders of the nascent new bourgeoisie and moreover on the back of the peasant population enslaved with two serfdoms - that of the metropolitan colonizer and that of his bourgeois national bourgeois guards. These demonstrations quickly turn into riots, to the cries of "Long live Independence!". 
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Later, on March 29, 1947, hundreds of peasants, craftsmen and petty traders rose up against misery, and especially against the exactions of cape colonists imbued with their superiority. Armed only with spearheads and cutters, they attack the cops and the army of occupation of coastal towns and plantations. They are attacking Europeans. The uplift is growing. Soon, the whole island flares up. 


The colonial reaction is violent and brutal. It begins on April 4, supported by the introduction of the state of siege. 
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The colonial bourgeois France - barely relieved of the occupation in France - immediately dispatched to Madagascar colonial troops (Senegalese riflemen - slaves to kill other slaves). A total of 18,000 men in early 1948: infantry, paratroopers and air raids attack unarmed civilians. The repression will come down on the revolted Malagasy population. These first revolts are harshly repressed: torture, summary executions, forced regroupings, burning of villages, etc.


During this punitive expedition to Madagascar, the French army experimented with a new technique of psychological warfare: suspects were thrown alive from a plane to terrorize villagers in their region. In the space of a few months, the "pacification" will make 89,000 Malagasy victims. Colonial forces lost 1,900 men (mostly Malagasy deputies). There are also the deaths of 550 Europeans, including 350 soldiers. 

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Moreover, it will take several months to the colonial armed forces to overcome the rebellion. On December 7, 1948, Mr. De  Chevigné, High Commissioner of France in Madagascar, declares: "The last rebel home has been occupied". Assessment: the island is ravaged and there are 89,000 officially recognized deaths, not counting the wounded, those arrested, tortured. This is what the cannon folks cost the desire for autonomy of the Malagasy trading bourgeoisie who will recover and obtain its "Liberation" in 1964. Acquiring the authorization to serve as a neocolonial transmission belt for the French imperial capital.



Sadly, during these long months of massacres in the metropolis, Malagasy and French bourgeois organizations shone with their criminal silence. No political party has denounced the repressions, even less supported the Malagasy insurgents. Similarly, the leaders of the workers' movement will show no sympathy for the insurgents, but on the contrary will pronounce a condemnation without appeal. This was the day when the French left the second of his masks after his participation in the imperialist world war.
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As during the crushing of the uprising of the Algerian people on May 8, 1945, the French Communist Party, participating in the French imperialist power (after the liberation of the French national capital), also observed a criminal silence. On the other hand, he showed his unwavering support for the French colonial empire. 

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In June 1947, at the PCF's eleventh congress in StrasbourgMaurice Thorez declared: "In Madagascar, as in other parts of the French Union, certain foreign powers do not hesitate to intrigue against our country». Already at the end of the Second World War, in the theoretical organ of the PCF, the "  Cahiers du communisme  " of April 1945, we read: "At present, the separation of colonial peoples with the France would go against the interests of these populations". 

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It is of the utmost importance to point out that one of the bloodiest military intervention of French imperialism begins under a socialist government, in which the PCF also participates. The latter occupies, among others, the Department of National Defense (François Billoux). The Communist Party shows no opposition to the sending of military reinforcements, as to the suppression of the insurgents.

Already, during the crackdown on the uprising of the Algerian bourgeoisie leading to the Algerian proletariat on May 8, 1945, the Ministry of Air and Armament was headed by a PCF member, Charles Tillon. The Social Democrats had voted the war credits - the Communists will have voted the post-war neocolonialism credits.

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